[R-G] news digest
menecraj at shaw.ca
Tue Nov 7 11:38:34 MST 2006
N E W S D I G E S T
(sent out 3-4 times weekly, when I'm around AND able)
- subscribers welcome by simple email request
1. HOW THEY STOLE THE MID-TERM ELECTION - Palast
2. All Four Major E-Voting Machines Flip Votes in Early Voting
3. Don't Look Too Closely: Bush's Record on Anti-Terrorism
4. On-line "referendum" on Canadian troops in Afghanistan
5. [Review] Empire's Workshop
6. Bush Names Exxon Chief to Chart America's Energy Future
HOW THEY STOLE THE MID-TERM ELECTION
by Greg Palast
for The Guardian (UK), Comment
Monday November 6, 2006
Here's how the 2006 mid-term election was stolen.
Note the past tense. And I'm not kidding.
And shoot me for saying this, but it won't be stolen by jerking with the
touch-screen machines (though they'll do their nasty part). While
progressives panic over the viral spread of suspect computer black boxes,
the Karl Rove-bots have been tunneling into the vote vaults through entirely
For six years now, our investigations team, at first on assignment for BBC
TV and the Guardian, has been digging into the nitty-gritty of the gaming of
US elections. We've found that November 7, 2006 is a day that will live in
infamy. Four and a half million votes have been shoplifted. Here's how
they'll do it, in three easy steps:
Theft #1: Registrations gone with the wind.
On January 1, 2006, while America slept off New Year's Eve hangovers, a new
federal law crept out of the swamps that has devoured 1.9 million votes,
overwhelmingly those of African-Americans and Hispanics. The vote-snatching
statute is a cankerous codicil slipped into the 2002 Help America Vote
Act -- strategically timed to go into effect in this mid-term year. It
requires every state to reject new would-be voters whose identity can't be
verified against a state verification database.
Sounds arcane and not too threatening. But look at the numbers and you won't
feel so fine. About 24.3 million Americans attempt to register or
re-register each year. The New York University Law School's Brennan Center
told me that, under the new law, Republican Secretaries of State began the
year by blocking about one in three new voters.
How? To begin with, Mr. Bush's Social Security Administration has failed to
verify 47% of registrants. After appeals and new attempts to register, US
Elections Assistance Agency statistics indicate 1.9 million would-be voters
will still find themselves barred from the ballot on Tuesday.
But don't worry: those holding passports from their ski vacations to
Switzerland are doing just fine. And that's the point. It's not the number
of voters rejected, it's their color. For example, California's Republican
Secretary of State Bruce McPherson figured out how to block 40% of
registrants, mostly Hispanics. In a rare counter-move, Los Angeles, with a
Hispanic mayor, contacted these citizens, "verified" them and got almost
every single one back on the rolls. But throughout the rest of the West, new
Hispanics remain victims of the "José Crow" treatment.
In hotly contested Ohio, Kenneth Blackwell, Secretary of State and the
Republican's candidate for Governor, remains voter-rejection champ -- partly
by keeping the rejection criteria a complete secret.
Theft #2: Turned Away - the ID game
A legion of pimple-faced Republicans with Blackberries loaded with lists of
new voters is assigned to challenge citizens in heavily Black and
Hispanic(i.e. Democratic) precincts to demand photo ID that perfectly
matches registration data.
Sounds benign, but it's not. The federal HAVA law and complex new ID
requirements in states like New Mexico will easily allow the GOP squads to
triple the number of voters turned away. Rather than deny using these voter
suppression tactics, Republican spokesmen are claiming they are "protecting
the integrity of the vote."
I've heard that before. In 2004, we got our hands on fifty confidential
internal memos from the files of the Republican National Committee. Attached
to these were some pretty strange spreadsheets. They called them "caging
lists" -- and it wasn't about zoo feeding times. They were lists (70,000 for
Florida alone) of new Black and Jewish voters -- a very Democratic
demographic -- to challenge on Election Day. The GOP did so with a
vengeance: In 2004, for the first time in half a century, more than 3.5
million voters were challenged on Election Day. Worse, nearly half lost
their vote: 300,000 were turned away for wrong ID; 1.1 million were allowed
a "provisional" ballot -- which was then simply tossed out.
Tomorrow, new federal ID requirements and a dozen new state show-me-your-ID
laws will permit the GOP challenge campaign to triple their 300,000 record
to nearly one million voters blocked.
Theft #3: Votes Spoiled Rotten
The nasty little secret of US elections is that three million ballots are
cast in national elections but not counted -- 3,600,380 not counted in 2004
according to US Election Commission stats. These are votes lost because a
punch card didn't punch (its chad got "hung"), a stray mark voided a paper
ballot and other machinery glitches.
Officials call it "spoilage." I call it, "inaugurating Republicans." Why?
According to statisticians working with the US Civil Rights Commission, the
chance your vote will "spoil" this way is 900% higher for Black folk and
500% higher for Hispanics than for white voters. When we do the arithmetic,
we find that well over half of all votes spoiled or "blank" are cast by
voters of color. On balance, this spoilage game produces a million-vote edge
for the GOP.
That's where the Black Boxes come into play. Forget about Karl Rove messing
with the software to change your vote. Rather, the big losses occur when
computers crash, fail to start or simply don't respond to your touch. They
are the new spoilage machines of choice with, statistically, the same racial
bias as the old vote-snatching lever machines. (Funny, but paper ballots
with in-precinct scanners don't go rotten on Black voters. Maybe that's why
Republican Secretaries of State have installed so few of them.)
So Let's Add it Up
Two million legitimate voters will be turned away because of wrongly
rejected or purged registrations.
Add another one million voters challenged and turned away for "improper ID."
Then add yet another million for Democratic votes "spoiled" by busted black
boxes and by bad ballots.
And let's not forget to include the one million "provisional" ballots which
will never get counted. Based on the experience of 2004, we know that,
overwhelmingly, minority voters are the ones shunted to these baloney
And there's one more group of votes that won't be counted: absentee ballots
challenged and discarded. Elections Assistance Agency data tell us a half
million of these absentee votes will go down the drain.
Driving this massive suppression of the vote are sophisticated challenge
operations. And here I must note that the Democrats have no national
challenge campaign. That's morally laudable; electorally suicidal.
Add it all up -- all those Democratic-leaning votes rejected, barred and
spoiled -- and the Republican Party begins Election Day with a 4.5
million-vote thumb on the vote-tally scale.
So, what are you going to do about it? May I suggest you . steal back your
It's true you can't win with 51% of the vote anymore. So just get over it.
The regime's sneak attack via vote suppression will only net them 4.5
million votes, about 5% of the total. You should be able to beat that
blindfolded. If you can't get 55%, then you're just a bunch of crybaby
pussycats who don't deserve to win back America.
******** Greg Palast is the author of the New York Times bestseller, "ARMED
MADHOUSE." For specific advice on How to Steal Back Your Vote, go to
http://www.gregpalast.com/steal-back-your-vote Catch Greg Palast on Election
Night on the new Mike Malloy Show on many Air America affiliates.
All Four Major E-Voting Machines Flip Votes in Early Voting
By Warren Stewart, VoteTrustUSA
November 05, 2006
Early voting in five states showed that voters' choice are being flipped to
the opposite candidate on all four major e-voting machines - Diebold TSx,
Sequoia Edge, ES&S iVotronic, and Hart InterCivic eSlate.
Three counties in Texas report vote-flipping on the Diebold and ES&S
machines. Three counties in Florida report vote-flipping on the ES&S and
Sequoia machines. One county in Illinois, on the Sequioa Edge, and one
county in Arkansas, on the ES&S iVotronic. In some cases, when the voter
selects one candidate, the machine shows an opponent is selected instead.
A South Florida voter reports:
"When I touched the one [button] for the Democratic vote, that button
disappeared and the vote went to the Republican."
And from Illinois: "Corrine Stoker pushed the button for one candidate, but
her voting machine showed she voted for the opponent."
In other cases, the votes are reported wrong on the review screen. From
Texas: "El Paso County Attorney José Rodríguez said 16 people complained
Friday that a vote cast on their touch-screen ballot was the wrong vote when
they reviewed their ballots."
And from Florida: "He touched the screen for gubernatorial candidate Jim
Davis, a Democrat, but the review screen repeatedly registered the
Republican, Charlie Crist." Douglas Jones, a computer scientist at the
University of Iowa, says he's heard similar stories from voters in several
states, including one computer scientist in South Carolina who said that his
attempts to vote for one candidate on the iVotronic were repeatedly changed
to an opposing candidate by the time he got to the voter verification
Officials normally explain the vote-flipping as calibration errors - touches
on the screen are simply registering incorrectly They point to the
15-step process that poll workers can do to re-calibrate the screen.
But vote-flipping on the eSlate can't be explained as a calibration error,
since the eSlate doesn't have a touch screen. Voters use physical dials and
buttons to move the highlight on the screen and make their selections.
A professor at Murray State University in Murray, Kentucky (Calloway County)
used the eSlate in early voting and reports that his straight-party votes
were switched to the opposite party in contested races:
"I tried to vote a straight ticket, but when I checked the final page, which
summarizes one's vote, I noticed that I had voted for some of the candidates
of the other party. I went to the first screen again and ticked the straight
ticket box for the Democratic party, and, again, I found that for all of the
contested races the Republican boxes were ticked. "I had to go through
individually to tick the Democratic boxes. I'm not a Democrat, and I don't
suspect vast right-wing some conspiracy. I'm just telling those of you who
will be voting soon to check the summarizing page carefully, regardless of
your voting preferences."
UPDATE Now the ES&S iVotronics in Sarasota County Florida aren't flipping,
just deleting votes from the summary screen. Several people from different
polling places report that their votes for Jennings (Dem candidate for 13
Cong Dist) don't appear on the review screen. They have to go back and vote
for her again.
November 1, 2006
Don't Look Too Closely
Bush's Record on Anti-Terrorism
By SAUL LANDAU
President George W. Bush has promoted himself as single-mindedly tough on
terrorists and those who protect them. "We make no distinction between those
who committed these acts and those who harbor them," he told the nation on
September 11, 2001. But Muslims or Arab suspects with no evidence or charges
against them generally get "rendered" to other nations or Guantanamo while
anti-Castro terrorists who destroyed an airplane with passengers aboard get
kid glove treatment.
The most dramatic example of Bush coddling Castro-hating terrorists involves
Luis Posada Carriles. On October 6, 1976, agents working for Posada and
Orlando Bosch, another hate screaming anti Castroite, planted a bomb on a
Cuban commercial plane and blew it up shortly after it took off from
Barbados. All 73 passengers and crew members perished. Thirty years later,
Posada sits in an El Paso jail cell. Since his airliner "success" he went on
to add new notches to his terrorist gun including an attempted
assassination of Fidel Castro in Panama in 1999.
When Posada illegally entered the United States last year, Homeland Security
agents ignored him until he held a press conference. Then, embarrassed that
they had not grabbed him when he entered the country without a visa, they
gently arrested him and charged him with "illegal entry." Washington has
since refused to answer Venezuela's request to extradite him to the place
where he plotted the airliner bombing. The excuse accepted by the El Paso
judge for not considering Venezuela was that Venezuela might torture him;
ironic in light of Bush authorizing torture for terrorist suspects this
Compare the way Homeland Security handled Posada with the case of Maher
Arar. In 2002, officials arrested Arar when he landed at JFK airport in New
York, to change planes on his way to Canada where he lived. U.S. immigration
authorities placed the Syrian-born Canadian citizen and software engineer on
a plane. Before boarding the aircraft he had demanded from U.S. authorities
his rights to a lawyer, to hear charges against him as established by
international law. The official told him: "The INS is not the body or the
agency that signed the Geneva Convention against torture." Hearing he was
bound for Syria, Arar says he foresaw torture.
Canadian police had previously informed U.S. officials that Arar was "an
Islamic extremist suspected of being linked to the al-Qaida terrorist
network." U.S. officials didn't ask Canada to verify the data, however.
Indeed, a Canadian inquiry completed in September 2006 found that days
before the U.S. rendered Arar to Syria, Canadian police had advised the FBI
that they possessed no definitive evidence of Arar's links to terrorist
groups. Yet, Arar remained in solitary confinement and was tortured at the
behest of Washington for almost a year. Flimsy suspicion based on one
Canadian report and countered by another provided Homeland Security with
sufficient motive to deport Arar and request that Syria torture him.
The September, 2006, thousand page Canadian Commission report on the Arar
case concluded that Canadian officials had not been informed of the U.S.
decision to send Arar to Syria. The commission found no evidence that
Canadian officials participated in or agreed to the decision to send Arar to
Arar now back in Canada and still suffering the after effects of his torture
feels understandably bitter about his experience. A man who had no terrorist
connection, much less a history of violence, compares his treatment to the
anti-Castro Cubans who boasted of their murderous achievements. Indeed, in
the case of the airline bombing, the CIA had information that could have
helped stop the sabotage.
According to declassified documents published by the National Security
Archives, in September 1976, Luis Posada Carriles, who had worked with the
CIA even before the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba and had gotten even
more specialized CIA training subsequently, told the Agency that he intended
to destroy a Cuban passenger jet. Thirty years ago, no one inspected
passengers or restricted gels. Hernan Ricardo, one of Posada's agents, told
Trinidad police that he took an explosive-filled toothpaste tube on board
the Cubana plane in Caracas, got off in Barbados and left behind the
On Oct. 6, 1976, the Cubana Airlines Flight 455 took off, the bomb went off
and the pilot helplessly shouted radio messages over Barbados airspace.
Everyone aboard died. Bosch and Posada said violence against civilian
targets was legitimate in their "war" against Fidel. Venezuelan authorities
imprisoned them, but Posada "escaped" with help from Miami comrades and
found employment in the mid 1980s with Lt. Co. Oliver North, helping him
re-supply the Nicaraguan Contras in their war against the Nicaraguan
government. In 1989, over objections from the FBI and Justice Department,
George H. W. Bush granted amnesty to Bosch who has resided in Miami ever
Subsequently, his sons George W. and Jeb, Florida Governor, have re-assured
Bosch he can live serenely in Miami while, as he admitted to a New Times
reporter, he continues to plot violent terrorist acts against Cuba. (June 2,
In the mid 1990s, Posada organized bombings of Cuban tourist sites, one of
which killed an Italian tourist. He admitted his complicity to New York
Times reporters. (July 1998)
In 1999, Posada, Bosch's co-conspirator, had plotted to assassinate Castro
in Panama. Together with Guillermo Novo, one of the Letelier killers, and
two other Cuban exiles with long terrorist records, they went to Panama and
collected explosives, which Panamanian police found in their rented car
with their fingerprints on them.
Posada's comrades bought him a pardon from outgoing President Mireya
Moscoso -- $4 million mysteriously appeared in her Swiss bank account. Then,
Posada entered the United States. Homeland Security apparently did not
"detect" that the hemisphere's best-known terrorist had come to the United
States without a visa. But the Bush-Bosch-Posada connection dated back to
1976. As Posada and Bosch began planning terrorist actions and informing the
CIA the former President George H.W. Bush headed that Agency. Nothing was
done to stop any of the dozen bombings of, and shootings at, Cuban land
targets and individuals; nor was Cuba warned that the airliner would be
In 2005, after Posada brazenly held a press conference, U.S. authorities
gently arrested him and charged him with "illegal entry" into the United
States. He waits in an El Paso jail cell for the Justice Department to
charge him with terrorism or let him go. Washington has asked Canada, Costa
Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico and Panama to take him. They
have all said "No thanks."
So, on September 11, 2006, a federal judge warned that he would release
Posada. At the last minute, government lawyers told the judge not to release
him to wait. Posada, meanwhile, declared he will soon be free, implying
that the Bush family is friendly toward him.
For Bush, Posada, like Bosch, remains a zealous patriot, not a terrorist.
Even though the Justice Department filed papers in mid October 2006 at the
El Paso federal court acknowledging that Posada is "an unrepentant criminal
and admitted mastermind of terrorist plots and attacks on tourist sites,"
they refuse to charge him. Bush's friendship patterns vitiate not only the
last shreds of law, but his supposed tough standards on terrorism. Double
standards? In fact, Bush has shown he has no standards. His tough talk --
"Those who harbor terrorists are as guilty as the terrorists themselves"
(October 7, 2002) could be read more literally as stating that Bush views
himself as guilty as the terrorists. His pseudo John Wayne imitation
implied, however, that he would stand as the invincible foe of anyone who
dared to even think of terrorism.
Bush's government, however, has yet to prosecute one serious terrorist
suspect some held for five years in Guantanamo. Earlier this year, the
Department of Justice charged seven poor black men in Miami, none of whom
had knowledge of explosives, with conspiring to blow up Chicago's Sears
Tower. It has also held U.S. citizen Jose Padilla for four years as an enemy
combatant, but has yet to take him to trial. Padilla claims the government
tortured and drugged him.
Posada has received gentle treatment despite his unambiguous terrorist
credentials. Indeed, the government used men like Posada and Bosch to carry
out terrorism against Cuba. Felipe Millan, Posada's lawyer, asked: "How can
you call someone a terrorist who allegedly committed acts on your behalf?"
Calling Posada a terrorist, he added, "would be the equivalent of calling
Patrick Henry or Paul Revere or Benjamin Franklin a terrorist."
(New York Times, Oct. 8, 2006)
Roseanne Nenninger Persaud's 19-year-old brother died on the downed Cuban
aircraft. She said Posada should be treated "like bin Laden. If this were a
plane full of Americans, it would have been a different story." (Oct 8,
Bush's tough guy rhetoric and reality are far apart. He has yet to bag a
real terrorist. But Arar remains on the no entry-no fly list despite his
total exoneration by Canadian investigators. The U.S. bullied an innocent
man into a torture chamber. Bush's tough talk on terrorism, like that of
most bullies, relies on public credibility. If the media looked at the
record, Bush would lose his "tough guy" image all that remains of his
Saul Landau is a fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies. His new book, A
BUSH AND BOTOX WORLD, will be published by Counterpunch Press.
LAW calls for the immediate withdrawl of Canadian troops from Afghanistan.
Please voice your opinion.
On-line "referendum" on Canadian troops in Afghanistan
The launching of this web poll got some media attention, so please take the
time to vote:
Lawyers Against the War
Tel: +1 604 738-0338
Fax: +1 604 736-1175
Email: law at portal.ca
Empire's Workshop: Latin America, the United States and the Rise of the New
By Greg Grandin
New York: Metropolitan Books, 2006
Reviewed by Jeremy Kuzmarov
Z Magazine Online October 2006 Volume 19 Number 10 Book Review
With the U.S. occupation grinding into a quagmire in 2004, Vice President
Richard Cheney called for the "Salvador option" in a nationally televised
debate, implying a reliance on local paramilitary forces to impose order.
Sadly, as Greg Grandin reminds in his provocative new book Empire's
Workshop: Latin America, the United States and the Rise of the New
Imperialism, historical amnesia prevented most Americans from understanding
the horrific precedent to which Cheney was referring.
Under the guise of democracy promotion, human rights, and "rooting out
guerilla subversion," the United States during the 1980s gave crucial
financial and military support to political reactionaries and death squad
operatives in El Salvador who slaughtered upwards of 80,000 people,
including over 900 civilians by the elite U.S. trained Atlcatl battalion in
the village of El Mozote. This was in a war fought against predominantly
progressive forces backed by the Catholic Church, who sought a modicum of
equality and justice in a nation long dominated by an exploitative ruling
Grandin's main argument is that U.S. foreign policy in Latin America during
the course of the last half century has set an ominous precedent for Cheney
& Co.'s current imperial escapades in the Middle-East. If empire has been an
unmitigated disaster for the peoples of Latin America, who have suffered
grave injustices at the hands of the Yankee giant looming over them, how can
one reasonably expect a better outcome in a region already rife with
anti-U.S. sentiment, religious fundamentalism, and a long history of
grievances against the West? This is an important question to ask--one which
should have been addressed by the ream of imperial apologists and pro-war
pundits dominating the media and intellectual landscape.
The author of two excellent previous books on Guatemalan history, Grandin
begins his story with a brief discussion of the centrality of Latin America
to the rise of American global power at the turn of the 20th century, which
was guided largely by a missionary impulse and the demand for economic
markets. With direct military occupation breeding indigenous resistance, the
U.S. shifted under Franklin Roosevelt's Good Neighbor policy to informal
colonization. Though marred by contradictions and support for corrupt
dictatorships like that of Anastasio Somoza in Nicaragua, Grandin provides a
favorable evaluation of this transformation, which allowed for a more
cooperative framework of bilateral relations that he hopes could be
reestablished in the future.
Regrettably, in Grandin's view, FDR's successors reincorporated a unilateral
and bullying approach to foreign policy. Beholden to business interests and
a rigid Cold War framework, the Eisenhower administration supported a series
of brutal tyrants and fomented a violent coup against the democratically
elected Arbenz government in Guatemala in 1954, ushering in over four
decades of civil strife and reactionary right wing rule. Panic stricken over
the triumph of the Cuban revolution and failed Bay of Pigs reinvasion, the
Kennedy administration followed suit by undermining even moderately
reformist governments, like that of Joao Goulart in Brazil, and stepped up
American military training and counter-insurgency programs under the banner
of the Alliance for Progress. These programs, as Grandin notes, came to
embody the strategic grip yielded by the United States in Latin America and
helped usher in an era of violent counter-revolution and state terrorism
that was the trademark of the late 20th century.
Apart from the 1973 Chilean coup, the worst violence occurred during the
1980s where the case of El Salvador was no anomaly. In his evocative chapter
"Going Primitive: The Violence of the New Imperialism," Grandin contrasts
the moralistic rhetoric of Reagan ideologues, many of whom now hold key
positions in the Bush II administration, and the cruel realities of
U.S.-supported repression and terror, such as in Guatemala, whose CIA
trained forces razed over 400 villages and massacred 100,000 civilians,
mostly poor Mayan Indians.
Besides destroying regional infrastructure and leaving a legacy of trauma
and loss, Grandin argues that the violence of the 1980s had the eventual
effect of empowering the dominant ruling class of most Latin American
countries, decimating progressive organizations, and allowing Washington to
pursue its neo-liberal agenda of free-trade and corporate-led globalization.
The result, he argues in a successful rebuttal to New York Times columnist
Thomas L. Friedman, and celebrants of the so-called Washington Consensus,
has been catastrophic. Only tiny sectors of the elite have benefitted at the
expense of the vast majority, which continues to abound in economic poverty
and misery. Grandin's book is of great value in its comparative approach to
understanding the international costs and consequence of the U.S. empire. As
the continent where the U.S. has exerted the most direct influence, the
Latin American case is instructive. Given its appalling record there, which
Grandin reveals in illuminating detail, the prospects for an American
dominated future indeed appear bleak--unless the government is compelled to
pursue a change of course through popular mobilization and pressure. Jeremy
Kuzmarov is an assistant professor of history at Bucknell University.
November 2, 2006
Bush Names Exxon Chief to Chart America's Energy Future
Even for an administration dedicated to putting industry lobbyists in charge
of the very agencies they have devoted their careers to undermining (coal
and oil lobbyist J. Stephen Griles as Deputy Secretary of the Interior is
one of dozens of examples), President Bush has recently outdone himself. He
has named Lee Raymond, the retired chief of ExxonMobil, to head a key study
to help America chart a cleaner course for our energy needs. Raymond
currently chairs the National Petroleum Council (NPC), one of the most
powerful lobbies in Washington.
Energy Secretary Samuel Bodman says the study will address the supply and
demand of oil as well as ".assess the potential contribution of
conservation, efficiency, alternative energy sources, and technology
advances" and determine "the potential long term impact of alternative
energies that are plentiful, affordable, reliable and transportable."
Energy Department Under Secretary David Garman, added that the NPC is "well
qualified to provide a balanced and informed perspective on strategies and
action affecting the energy future for both the U.S. and for every country
Environmentalists are outraged about the appointment of Lee Raymond. During
his long tenure at ExxonMobil, the company spent $19 million on front groups
designed to discredit the science on global warming. It also resisted
funding clean energy alternatives and lobbied aggressively to drill in the
In a Wall Street Journal article on June 14, 2005, Mr. Raymond said, "it's
yet to be shown how much of this [global warming] is really related to the
activities of man."
ExxonMobil is considered a rogue company even among its peers. It vocally
opposes U.S. energy independence and presses for deeper reliance on oil
producing nations such as Saudi Arabia, where the company has sunk heavy
investments. Critics argue that Mr. Raymond's legacy is to deny that oil
dependence is a problem.
ExxonMobil is the only major oil giant calling renewable energy an
"uneconomical" investment. Known for abruptly shutting off the microphone at
shareholders meetings when opposition is voiced, Mr. Raymond has the
reputation of an impatient, authoritarian leader who shows no qualms about
publicly belittling those who disagree with him.
The Exxpose Exxon coalition, a collaborative effort of many of the nation's
largest environmental and public advocacy organizations representing
millions of Americans, called on Secretary Bodman "to remove the Global Oil
and Gas Study from the purview of Raymond and the NPC."
"This issue is too vital to be handed over to a company and an industry that
have demonstrated again and again that they will maximize profits at the
expense of our national security, the environment, and U.S. consumers," they
argued. The coalition recommended the study be given to an independent body
such as the National Academy of Sciences.
"Putting Lee Raymond in charge of solving U.S. energy problems is like
putting Jack Abramoff in charge of solving corruption," said Shawnee Hoover,
campaign director for the Exxpose Exxon Coalition.
Take Action - Tell Secretary Bodman Not to Let Exxon Chart America's Energy
References: Exxpose Exxon Backgrounder, http://www.ExxposeExxon.com
Undersecretary Garman, Presentation with notes, 6/21/06, http://www.npc.org
Remarks for Secretary of Energy Samuel Bodman, U.S. Department of Energy,
***NOTICE: In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, this
material is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a
prior interest in receiving the included information for research and
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