[Marxism] Seeds of Latin America rebirth sown in Cuba (from The Guardian)

Fred Feldman ffeldman at bellatlantic.net
Wed Jan 28 21:08:23 MST 2009


The seeds of Latin America's rebirth were sown in Cuba
There was one region that saw the bankruptcy of neoliberalism - and now the
rest of the world is having to catch up

o Seumas Milne
o The Guardian, Thursday 29 January 2009


On 9 October 1967, Che Guevara faced a shaking sergeant Mario Teran, ordered
to murder him by the Bolivian president and CIA, and declared: "Shoot,
coward, you're only going to kill a man." The climax of Stephen Soderbergh's
two-part epic, Che, in real life this final act of heroic defiance marked
the defeat of multiple attempts to spread the Cuban revolution to the rest
of Latin America.

But 40 years later, the long-retired executioner, now a reviled old man, had
his sight restored by Cuban doctors, an operation paid for by revolutionary
Venezuela in the radicalised Bolivia of Evo Morales. Teran was treated as
part of a programme which has seen 1.4 million free eye operations carried
out by Cuban doctors in 33 countries across Latin America, the Caribbean and
Africa. It is an emblem both of the humanity of Fidel Castro and Guevara's
legacy, but also of the transformation of Latin America which has made such
extraordinary co-operation possible.

The 50th anniversary of the Cuban revolution this month has already been the
occasion for a regurgitation of western media tropes about pickled
totalitarian misery, while next week's 10th anniversary of Hugo Chávez's
presidency in Venezuela will undoubtedly trigger a parallel outburst of
hostility, ridicule and unfounded accusations of dictatorship. The fact that
Chávez, still commanding close to 60% popular support, is again trying to
convince the Venezuelan people to overturn the US-style two-term limit on
his job will only intensify such charges, even though the change would
merely bring the country into line with the rules in France and Britain.

But it is a response which also utterly fails to grasp the significance of
the wave of progressive change that has swept away the old elites and
brought a string of radical socialist and social-democratic governments to
power across the continent, from Ecuador to Brazil, Paraguay to Argentina:
challenging US domination and neoliberal orthodoxy, breaking down social and
racial inequality, building regional integration and taking back strategic
resources from corporate control.

That is the process which this week saw Bolivians vote, in the land where
Guevara was hunted down, to adopt a sweeping new constitution empowering the
country's long-suppressed indigenous majority and entrenching land reform
and public control of natural resources - after months of violent resistance
sponsored by the traditional white ruling class. It's also seen Cuba finally
brought into the heart of regional structures from which Washington has
strained every nerve to exclude it.

The seeds of this Latin American rebirth were sown half a century ago in
Cuba. But it is also more directly rooted in the region's disastrous
experience of neoliberalism, first implemented by the bloody Pinochet regime
in the 1970s - before being adopted with enthusiasm by Margaret Thatcher and
Ronald Reagan and duly enforced across the world.

The wave of privatisation, deregulation and mass pauperisation it unleashed
in Latin America first led to mass unrest in Venezuela in 1989, savagely
repressed in the Caracazo massacre of more than 1,000 barrio dwellers and
protesters. The impact of the 1998 financial crisis unleashed a far wider
rejection of the new market order, the politics of which are still being
played out across the continent. And the international significance of this
first revolt against neoliberalism on the periphery of the US empire now
could not be clearer, as the global meltdown has rapidly discredited the
free-market model first rejected in South America.

Hopes are naturally high that Barack Obama will recognise the powerful
national, social and ethnic roots of Latin America's reawakening - the
election of an Aymara president was as unthinkable in Bolivia as an African
American president - and start to build a new relationship of mutual
respect. The signs so far are mixed. The new US president has made some
positive noises about Cuba, promising to lift the Bush administration's
travel and remittances ban for US citizens - though not to end the stifling
47-year-old trade embargo.

But on Venezuela it seemed to be business as usual earlier this month, when
Obama insisted that the Venezuelan president had been a "force that has
interrupted progress" and claimed Venezuela was "supporting terrorist
activities" in Colombia, apparently based on spurious computer disc evidence
produced by the Colombian military.

If this is intended as political cover for an opening to Cuba then perhaps
it shouldn't be taken too seriously. But if it is an attempt to isolate
Venezuela and divide and rule in America's backyard, it's unlikely to work.
Venezuela is a powerful regional player and while Chávez may have lost five
out of 22 states in November's regional elections on the back of discontent
over crime and corruption, his supporters still won 54% of the popular vote
to the opposition's 42%.

That is based on a decade of unprecedented mobilisation of oil revenues to
achieve impressive social gains, including the near halving of poverty
rates, the elimination of illiteracy and a massive expansion of free health
and education. The same and more is true of Cuba, famous for first world
health and education standards - with better infant mortality rates than the
US - in an economically blockaded developing country.

Less well known is the country's success in diversifying its economy since
the collapse of the Soviet Union, not just into tourism and biotechnology,
but the export of medical services and affordable vaccines to the poorest
parts of the world. Anyone who seriously cares about social justice cannot
but recognise the scale of these achievements - just as the greatest
contribution those genuinely concerned about lack of freedom and democracy
in Cuba can make is to help get the US off the Cubans' backs.

None of that means the global crisis now engulfing Latin America isn't
potentially a threat to all its radical governments, with falling commodity
prices cutting revenues and credit markets drying up. Revolutions can't
stand still, and the deflation of the oil cushion that allowed Chávez to
leave the interests of the traditional Venezuelan ruling elite untouched
means pressure for more radical solutions is likely to grow. Meanwhile, the
common sense about the bankruptcy of neoliberalism first recognised in Latin
America has now gone global. Whether it generates the same kind of
radicalism elsewhere remains to be seen.

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